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Wingman: Keep Privatized ATC Option
Open
The convergence
of two events in recent days has caused a minor uproar from a
handful of lobby groups in Washington, D.C. One was the
disclosure that the new Bush Administration budget request makes
mention of ATC privatization again, and the other is the
announcement by the partly privatized National Air Traffic
Services in the UK that it wants to raise prices for its services
because of revenue shortfalls resulting from September 11.
The main cause of
this collective apoplexy was a reference in the proposed budget
for the Department of Transportation which said that if the newly
planned performance-based organization for the U.S. ATC system is
not effective after a year of operation, “the Department will
look to other options, including partial privatization and
franchise operation of components of the air traffic system.”
“This is
ludicrous,” said John Carr, the president of National Air
Traffic Controllers Association. “Before Sept. 11,
privatization was simply a foolish idea with serious implications
for the safety of our system. Now, it’s downright reckless
and irresponsible to even consider playing games with the safety
and security of the service we provide…. The
Administration talks about franchising parts of our system.
That’s unbelievable,” Carr continued. “Look, this is
not Burger King, where you can have it your way. I find it hard to
believe baggage screeners are now federal employees but yet this
Administration would consider franchising air traffic control.
It’s a very bad idea.”
In a press
release, the Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association called the
Bush budget comment “storm clouds on the horizon.”
AOPA’s President Phil Boyer said, "If aviation didn't have
enough to be concerned about in the post 9/11 environment, it now
seems that privatization is creeping back up through all of the
security concerns."
Why was there
such an eruption over a relatively innocuous mention?
Wingman believes there are two reasons – and it hasn’t
anything to do with the public’s safety and security.
Frankly, he thinks they are about the safety of a few uneconomic
benefits to one user group and the security of a politically
powerful government union.
NATCA and AOPA
are primarily lobbying organizations, of course, so their
hyperbolic remarks are understandable. But Wingman wishes
they would be more magnanimous and forthright in this discussion.
Wingman isn’t aware of any real evidence that privatization will
degrade safety or security, or even that removing ATC from
government operational management has anything inherently to do
with those values. U.S. airlines and most other airspace
users are private after all, and no one is seriously suggesting
they would be more safe if flown by federal pilots or managed by
Washington bureaucrats.
(Wingman says
this with complete awareness of the hysteria about the
shortcomings of contract screening of passengers at the time of
the terrorist attacks. Safety and security can suffer from
inattention and from lack of funds, yes, and both public and
private institutions have been guilty or these deficiencies on
occasion. The question ought to be which type of institution
responds more appropriately and effectively to discovered
weaknesses? Wingman believes that history overwhelming shows
that private institutions do, but that’s beyond the scope of
today’s topic.)
Suffice to say
that when NAV CANADA and NATS announce that they are having to
consider raising fees, reducing some non-essential services, and
delaying some capital expenditures, in response to a substantial
downturn in revenue expectations, this is good management, not a
sign of institution weakness.
This is not
anti-government commentary. Government has an important role
to play in aviation, including oversight of public safety and
security. But numerous economic, political and
organizational heavy-duty thinkers – including – Nobel Prize
recipient’s Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman, as well as
Joseph Schumpeter and Peter Drucker – have written extensively
on the merit of making some public functions private, and the
social benefit of letting market forces set priorities. In
other words, the idea of privatizing ATC services is respectable:
hardly the feckless, reckless, ill-conceived and irresponsible
scheme that some trade association advocates claim.
As tragic as last
September’s events have been, they will pass, and previous
problems of airspace inefficiencies and friction will reappear.
And it seems to Wingman that reasonable and knowledgeable
observers of the ATC privatization movement around the world
should be more impressed with its many successes than its few
setbacks. This is especially true about the adoption of new
technology and procedures to modernize air space. What has
occurred in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, to name a few
notable examples, should create at least some mild interest of
what is working right in those places. Instead, too often we
get derision and it-can’t-work-here expressions of dismissal.
Some months ago,
the
Reason Foundation
offered a cogent argument on the merits of privatizing the U.S.
ATC system and offered a number of suggestions about how it could
be done with a system of economic and operational equity for all
concerned. The was plan was summarily ridiculed by a number
of aviation organizations and mainly ignored by others. DOT
Secretary Mineta and FAA Administrator Garvey didn’t want to
touch it.
Wingman
understands that lobbyists are paid to be advocates or their
organization’s point of view – no matter how provincial and
self-serving. Wingman wonders, however, if these critics
aren’t using these arguments because real discussions of how
U.S. ATC can be improved in both safety and efficiency comes to
close to killing some “sacred cows.”
At least the Bush Budget comment shows
that someone at the White House believes the privatization idea
isn’t completely moribund. It would be nice to have some
more really serious discussion of the issue. 02-11-2002.
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